A Couple of Disclaimers to Start

• This essay aims to be concise to reach a broad audience; it is more of a conversational piece than a scholarly article.
• I will provide links to significant works and ideas referenced, allowing readers to explore, verify, and challenge my assertions.
• I do not consider myself an expert on many of the subjects discussed here. This will be a living document, subject to updates and corrections as needed.

Let's begin.

Chapter 1. The Cause.

The climate crisis arises from deeply unequal and undemocratic economic systems.

Numerous analyses have confirmed this point: the climate crisis is fundamentally linked to wealth concentration. The wealthiest individuals contribute disproportionately to global CO2 emissions while reaping the benefits of the fossil fuel sector and its affiliates.

In this system, economic growth disproportionately enriches the affluent, worsening both social inequality and environmental degradation. The wealthy continue to amass power, shaping economies to sustain fossil fuel reliance, despite the myriad harms this dependence inflicts. The fossil fuel industry’s influence is entrenched, employing various undemocratic tactics—from promoting car-centric urban planning to securing international trade agreements that protect fossil fuel profits, such as the Energy Charter Treaty. This antidemocratic intervention by the fossil fuel sector has roots extending over a century, tracing back to entities like Rockefeller’s Standard Oil, now known as ExxonMobil.

Chapter 2. The Rise.

The recent economic history of the Americas and Eurasia has been significantly shaped by the rise of neoliberal ideology.

Neoliberalism originated with the Mont Pélerin Society, a group of economists intent on dismantling the relatively egalitarian stability of Keynesian economics. In the 1950s, led by Friedrich Hayek, they developed a framework aimed at liberating corporations from the constraints of social responsibility.

Although neoliberalism presents itself as advocating "market freedom as the foundation of all freedoms," it is crucial to recognize that this freedom is limited to producers—private firms and capital owners—while undermining the rights of workers, consumers, and communities. The objective is to maximize the power of producers while restricting the ability of others to advocate for economic reforms.

Chapter 3. The Threat.

At its core, neoliberal ideology is inherently antidemocratic, seeking to empower corporations at the expense of citizens.

This assertion may seem counterintuitive to many, including those who consider themselves pro-democracy while supporting market freedoms. However, this perspective misreads the relationship between neoliberalism and democracy.

Wendy Brown’s work, "In the Ruins of Neoliberalism," illustrates that Hayek’s neoliberal vision is fundamentally aimed at dismantling society and democracy, which he sees as a collective effort to express common aspirations. The relentless push for market absolutism serves as a vehicle for this broader goal: the annihilation of democratic governance.

In Hayek’s view, democracy inherently leads to demands for "distributive justice," which he perceives as a slippery slope toward totalitarianism. He argues that as people become more reliant on governmental action, they will increasingly push for a recognizable scheme of economic equity, leading to a loss of individual freedoms.

Democracy as Lack of Freedom for Producers.

Hayek and other neoliberal thinkers adopt a perspective that prioritizes the freedom of producers, viewing democracy as a potential threat to their autonomy. They argue that collective organization, particularly through a central government, poses a risk to the freedom of producers to operate without constraints.

Enter Market Fundamentalism.

Neoliberal thinkers sought alternative, antidemocratic methods to structure society, favoring market-based hierarchies over democratic engagement. They envisioned markets as self-regulating entities and competition as a means of establishing order. Notably, they failed to foresee how unregulated markets could lead to monopolistic practices, which would likely contradict their ideals.

Thus, the neoliberal agenda remains fundamentally opposed to democratic processes, obstructing collective discussions about the organization of our economies. This ideology has become so entrenched over the past four decades that the notion of collectively determining our economic futures seems almost unattainable, despite being more achievable than ever.

Chapter 4. The Promoters.

The fossil fuel sector has been a longstanding advocate and beneficiary of the neoliberal transformation of our societies.

The Mont Pélerin Society, consisting of elite economists, would have struggled to exert global influence without substantial financial backing. From the outset, the fossil fuel industry played a crucial role in propelling the neoliberal agenda. In the 1950s, it sought to shape economic education in the U.S. to reinforce the narrative that American prosperity is rooted in extractive capitalism.

The predominance of fossil fuel companies in our economies is not a mere coincidence; it is integral to the very fabric of modern capitalism. As scholars like Jason Moore and Amitav Ghosh have noted, exploitation and extraction are foundational to capitalism's profitability. The fossil fuel industry is not an ancillary element; it is central to its structure.

By the late 20th century, both neoliberal theorists and their fossil fuel benefactors had formed a mutually beneficial relationship, with the former providing ideological frameworks and the latter funding their dissemination.

Chapter 5. The Coordination.

The orchestration of the neoliberal takeover is systematic, facilitated by think tanks and lobbying organizations, with international coordination through networks like the Atlas Network, encompassing over 500 affiliates.

The initial triumph of neoliberalism was starkly antidemocratic: the 1973 U.S.-backed coup against Chile's democratically elected president, Salvador Allende, was seen as a golden opportunity by the Mont Pélerin Society. Notable figures, including Hayek and Milton Friedman, rushed to reshape Chilean society according to their vision.

The next significant achievement came with the election of Margaret Thatcher in the U.K. in 1979. No longer would neoliberalism need to be enforced through force; the Mont Pélerin Society had discovered a method to erode democratic structures to the extent that citizens would willingly choose their own subjugation.

Anthony Fisher, a key figure in this endeavor, established the Institute for Economic Affairs (IEA) in 1955. This think tank played a pivotal role in launching the Thatcher revolution from within the Conservative Party. After Thatcher’s election victory, she credited the IEA with creating the "climate of opinion" that facilitated their success.

Chapter 6. The Buildup.

These think tanks cultivate their networks and elevate their members to positions of influence in policy and communications.

Researchers, such as Jeremy Walker, have documented the career trajectories of individuals groomed by the Atlas Network. These think tanks conduct recruitment and training programs to identify and develop their cadres, focusing on metrics that gauge their ability to disseminate neoliberal ideas in public discourse.

They continue to support promising recruits through think tank positions and by placing them within media outlets or political parties, resulting in a network of influential right-wing figures who rely on Atlas Network ideologies for their professional support.

Chapter 7. The Message.

The Atlas Network’s think tanks replicate their strategies and materials globally, advocating for extreme neoliberal policies and promoting climate denial.

While the topics covered by these think tanks may appear diverse, two constants remain: the promotion of neoliberal economic policies disguised as pro-democracy and the support of climate science denial.

The Atlas Network has arguably become the primary vehicle for climate denial on a global scale. Although some affiliates now claim to accept climate science, this façade often serves to delay substantive action while continuing to shield businesses—especially those in the fossil fuel sector— from governmental regulation.

The think tanks also explore divisive cultural issues, often taking contradictory positions, which can undermine democratic engagement. Their overarching strategy is to sow distrust in democratic processes and create confusion that stifles effective decision-making.

Chapter 8. The Influence.

A primary aim of these organizations is to supplant academic expertise with their own materials, targeting journalists and educators as critical audiences.

The tactics employed by climate denial organizations to displace university expertise have been well-documented. They generate misleading reports designed to mimic legitimate research and lobby media outlets to grant them equal visibility.

The Atlas Network’s ultimate goal is to replace publicly-funded expertise with corporate-friendly narratives. This assault on public knowledge undermines democratic processes, as informed decision-making relies on accurate information.

While it is essential to recognize that public-sector experts can also be flawed, they are generally held accountable to the public, unlike the Atlas Network, whose members operate with little transparency.

Chapter 9. The Implication.

To confront these centralized forces, the climate movement, as well as other movements under neoliberal attack, must undergo a fundamental transformation in strategy and orientation.

The realization of the Atlas Network's existence has prompted a reevaluation of our approaches to social justice. Awareness and understanding of this network and its allies are critical for organizing effective resistance.

1. We must educate ourselves about the challenges we face. The climate strike generation needs to understand that their societies’ failures to respond are rooted in decades of attacks on democracy by the same actors undermining the climate.
2. We should systematically track Atlas Network affiliates and their activities. This requires rigorous research and collaboration to gather insights about their operations.
3. We need to unite as pro-democracy, pro-equality, and pro-social justice movements. Recognizing our shared adversary allows us to collaborate strategically.
4. We must address the neoliberal encroachment on our world at a strategic level, not just issue by issue. Focusing on the underlying objectives of disinformation is crucial for effective action.
5. Traditional protest tactics alone are insufficient in this context. While activism is vital, we must also engage in a broader dialogue within institutions, exposing and countering neoliberal agendas.
6. We must restore faith in humanity. The current social order does not reflect the aspirations of the majority. Emphasizing our cooperative nature can counter the isolation fostered by neoliberal ideologies.
7. We need to channel our anger and knowledge into revolutionary action. The urgency of addressing the climate crisis and the inequalities it exacerbates compels us to mobilize effectively.

Chapter 10. The Direction.

Democracy, as a formidable adversary to neoliberalism, should be central to our renewed approach.

The most profound realization is that neoliberalism arises from a deep-seated fear of democracy. Hayek’s vision prioritizes market hierarchies over collective decision-making, seeing democratic aspirations as threats to producer freedom.

Democracy signifies self-organization and collective determination. Rather than allowing corporations to dictate our economic futures, we should collaborate to devise better solutions.

Effective democratic decision-making requires respecting vulnerable minorities and integrating scientific insights. This dual approach will enable us to navigate within planetary boundaries while safeguarding those most affected by current injustices.

This essay may have been longer than anticipated, but I hope it inspires you to confront the formidable challenges we face and advocate for a more just and sustainable world.

Chapter 11: Epilogue.

Critical topics warrant further exploration in relation to neoliberalism's impact on our economies and political landscapes.

1. The resurgence of fascism. Neoliberal policies contribute to the rise of far-right movements, exacerbating economic insecurities and social divisions.
2. A critique of limited democracy. While some form of democracy is better than none, we must strive for more inclusive and participatory practices.
3. State authoritarianism. The dynamics of authoritarian regimes must be critically examined, especially in resource-rich nations where the state often serves corporate interests.
4. Transhumanism and related ideologies. Emerging technologies and ideologies must be scrutinized for their alignment with neoliberal principles.
5. Decolonization and indigenous recognition. Addressing the historical roots of neoliberal thought requires acknowledging colonial legacies and centering indigenous perspectives.
6. Concrete action plans for climate action. We possess the means to create equitable, sustainable societies, but we must mobilize effectively to realize this vision.

Food for Thought: A Comment from Ben Kenward

You advocate for training activists and academics to be effective public communicators. I agree, but I believe that some leftist rhetoric may hinder this goal.

The manufacturing of consent has discredited radical left ideas in the minds of many citizens. To build the movement we need, I suggest focusing on anti-corporate rhetoric instead.

This reframing can help create solidarity among diverse groups and encourage broader engagement with social justice issues.

Main References

Wendy Brown (2019). In the Ruins of Neoliberalism: The Rise of Antidemocratic Politics in the West. Columbia University Press.

Jeremy Walker. More Heat than Life: The Tangled Roots of Ecology, Energy, and Economics. 2020. Springer. [Link](https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-15-3936-7).

Amy Westervelt’s Drilled Podcast [Link](https://drilled.media/podcasts/drilled).

George Monbiot and Peter Hutchison (2024) The Invisible Doctrine.

Suggested Readings

Quinn Slobodian (2018). Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism. Harvard University Press. [Link](https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.4159/9780674919808/html).

Quinn Slobodian (2023). Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy. Random House. [Link](https://us.macmillan.com/books/9781250753892/crackupcapitalism).

Errata and Track Changes

The original image of Anthony Fisher was incorrectly attributed; thanks to J. Walker for the correction.